<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
<title>Conceptual Foundations of Language Science</title>
<link href="https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/17690" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/17690</id>
<updated>2026-04-29T14:04:36Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-04-29T14:04:36Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>A lexicalist account of argument structure:</title>
<link href="https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/23311" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Müller, Stefan</name>
</author>
<id>https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/23311</id>
<updated>2019-12-11T18:22:26Z</updated>
<published>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">A lexicalist account of argument structure:
Müller, Stefan
Currently, there are two prominent schools in linguistics: Minimalism (Chomsky) and Construction Grammar (Goldberg, Tomasello). Minimalism comes with the claim that our linguistic capabilities consist of an abstract, binary combinatorial operation (Merge) and a lexicon. Most versions of Construction Grammar assume that language consists of flat phrasal schemata that contribute their own meaning and may license additional arguments. This book examines a variant of Lexical Functional Grammar, which is lexical in principle but was augmented by tools that allow for the description of phrasal constructions in the Construction Grammar sense. These new tools include templates that can be used to model inheritance hierarchies and a resource driven semantics. The resource driven semantics makes it possible to reach the effects that lexical rules had, for example remapping of arguments, by semantic means. The semantic constraints can be evaluated in the syntactic component, which is basically similar to the delayed execution of lexical rules. So this is a new formalization that might be suitable to provide solutions to longstanding problems that are not available for other formalizations.
</summary>
<dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Acting on actuation</title>
<link href="https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/48731" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name/>
</author>
<id>https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/48731</id>
<updated>2025-08-19T01:06:29Z</updated>
<published>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Acting on actuation
De Smet, Hendrik; Inglese, Guglielmo; Rosemeyer, Malte
Synopsis:&#13;
&#13;
This volume presents a timely discussion on one of the most fundamental and yet elusive questions in historical linguistics: why do certain linguistic changes take place in some languages at specific times, but not in others, even under similar conditions? The actuation problem, first articulated by Weinreich, Labov, and Herzog (1968), remains a central puzzle in the study of language change, at the crossroads between language structure, cognitive processes, and social dynamics. While significant progress has been made in identifying pathways and constraints on change and in understanding the social embedding of linguistic variation, the ultimate challenge of predicting language change remains unresolved, raising the question of whether historical linguistics can ever be a predictive science. The main reason for skepticism is that the inherent complexity of language structure and use makes it extremely challenging to predict when and how a given change may occur. Even so, a reassessment of where the discipline stands with respect to its most central research question is in order.&#13;
&#13;
Building on recent advances in variationist sociolinguistics, grammaticalization theory, and probabilistic modeling of language, the contributions in this volume offer fresh theoretical and methodological perspectives on the actuation problem, discussing the interplay between principles of language change, the role of bilingualism and language contact more generally, the distinction between innovation and propagation, and the role of sociocultural change. Research presented in this volume shows that there is indeed cause for hope, bringing at least a probabilistic answer to the actuation problem within closer reach.
</summary>
<dc:date>2025-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Emergent phonology</title>
<link href="https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/33457" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Archangeli, Diana</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Pulleyblank, Douglas</name>
</author>
<id>https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/33457</id>
<updated>2022-06-10T14:56:33Z</updated>
<published>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Emergent phonology
Archangeli, Diana; Pulleyblank, Douglas
To what extent do complex phonological patterns require the postulation of universal mechanisms specific to language? In this volume, we explore the  Emergent Hypothesis, that the innate language-specific faculty driving the shape of adult grammars is minimal, with grammar development relying instead on cognitive capacities of a general nature. Generalisations about sounds, and about the way sounds are organised into meaningful units, are constructed in a bottom-up fashion: As such, phonology is emergent.&#13;
&#13;
We present arguments for considering the Emergent Hypothesis, both conceptually and by working through an extended example in order to demonstrate how an adult grammar might emerge from the input encountered by a learner.  Developing a concrete, data-driven approach, we argue that the conventional, abstract notion of unique underlying representations is unmotivated; such underlying representations would require some innate principle to ensure their postulation by a learner. We review the history of the concept and show that such postulated forms result in undesirable phonological consequences. We work through several case studies to illustrate how various types of phonological patterns might be accounted for in the proposed framework. The case studies illustrate patterns of allophony, of productive and unproductive patterns of alternation, and cases where the surface manifestation of a feature does not seem to correspond to its morphological source. We consider cases where a phonetic distinction that is binary seems to manifest itself in a way that is morphologically ternary, and we consider cases where underlying representations of considerable abstractness have been posited in previous frameworks. We also consider cases of opacity, where observed phonological properties do not neatly map onto the phonological generalisations governing patterns of alternation.
</summary>
<dc:date>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Explanation in typology</title>
<link href="https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/24383" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name/>
</author>
<id>https://refubium.fu-berlin.de/handle/fub188/24383</id>
<updated>2019-12-11T18:22:26Z</updated>
<published>2019-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Explanation in typology
Schmidtke-Bode, Karsten; Levshina, Natalia; Michaelis, Susanne Maria; Seržant, Ilja
This volume provides an up-to-date discussion of a foundational issue that has recently taken centre stage in linguistic typology and which is relevant to the language sciences more generally: To what extent can cross-linguistic generalizations, i.e. statistical universals of linguistic structure, be explained by the diachronic sources of these structures? Everyone agrees that typological distributions are the result of complex histories, as “languages evolve into the variation states to which synchronic universals pertain” (Hawkins 1988). However, an increasingly popular line of argumentation holds that many, perhaps most, typological regularities are long-term reflections of their diachronic sources, rather than being ‘target-driven’ by overarching functional-adaptive motivations. On this view, recurrent pathways of reanalysis and grammaticalization can lead to uniform synchronic results, obviating the need to postulate global forces like ambiguity avoidance, processing efficiency or iconicity, especially if there is no evidence for such motivations in the genesis of the respective constructions. On the other hand, the recent typological literature is equally ripe with talk of "complex adaptive systems", "attractor states" and "cross-linguistic convergence". One may wonder, therefore, how much room is left for traditional functional-adaptive forces and how exactly they influence the diachronic trajectories that shape universal distributions. The papers in the present volume are intended to provide an accessible introduction to this debate. Covering theoretical, methodological and empirical facets of the issue at hand, they represent current ways of thinking about the role of diachronic sources in explaining grammatical universals, articulated by seasoned and budding linguists alike.
</summary>
<dc:date>2019-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
</feed>
